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Ezra comments on Paul Krugman’s recent pwnage of George Will on ABC’s This Week.

The pity is that there’s no judge, or score sheet, so folks who wanted to agree with Will probably still do, while those find Krugman’s commentary more convenient to their biases will happily nod along. Lots of folks are applauding this video, and I do too, but insofar as there are no consequences for being wrong on TV, I think the actual takeaway is that sounding like you know things and actually knowing things are, in this forum, pretty much equal.

This is something I’ve been thinking about for a while, but I think it’s a bit more distressing when removed from the realm of discourse. That is, as distressing as it may be that there are no consequences for being wrong on TV, there are about as many consequences, at least in the short term, for being wrong in the real world. For example, there was never any conclusive evidence to support the notion that Saddam Hussein had WMD. But it didn’t matter. The Bush Administration dexterously massaged the media to shape the debate so that objective fact was obscured and war was predicated on false pretenses. In the long term, the serial dishonesty and poor policy choices of the Bush Administration have hamstrung Republican candidates up and down the ticket, but it’s pretty indisputable that 4,000 Americans have sacrificed their lives in the name of pretense.

Perhaps George Bush will be convicted of war crimes in an international court, but I tend to doubt it. Might has an unfortunate way of making right.

Denial, Not Just River in Egypt

Jonathan Chait has an article, inter alia, on the reality detached, but ideologically convenient, right wing meme that Bush’s failure stemmed from inadequate adherence to conservative dogma.

But to these critics Bush’s primary ideological apostasy is that he supposedly presided over vast new spending increases. Both Democrats and Republicans have gleefully taken up the charge–the former in order to discredit Bush, the latter to shield conservatism from the stench of his failure. It’s a trumped-up indictment. Bush did spend generously on defense and homeland security, with conservative approval, but domestic discretionary spending actually declined from 3.1 percent of GDP to 2.8 percent. It is true that Bush approved a vast new prescription drug benefit. But 89 percent of Americans believed in 2000 that Medicare should have such a benefit. Bush’s critics on the right have no explanation for how he could have gotten elected in 2000 without promising one or reelected in 2004 without following through. Still, the critique has taken hold. The Democracy Corps poll found that, by a 17-point margin, Republicans attribute their party’s failures in 2006 and 2008 to its insufficient conservatism. (Voters as a whole attributed it to excessive conservatism.)

At least in a totally superficial sense, there is something to this argument; as Chait notes, total spending did in fact increase substantially. Conservatives point to this particular profligacy as evidence that federal expenditure spells anathema, but to call this theory half-baked would be an insult to an entire class of inchoate bakery items. According to the Brookings Instutition, total spending in Iraq now totals $600 billion (and to put that in context, it’s roughly enough to surpass current record setting $455 billion deficit by almost $150 billion). The problem with this sort of spending is that it’s an economic black hole. Sure, some of the money goes to bloat the pockets of a few parochial interest groups like Haliburton, Lockheed Martin, and ExxonMobil, but in general, it’s money lost. Unlike spending in World War II, the War in Iraq doesn’t employ hordes of housewives or coincide with the expansion of American manufacturing capacity. And unlike infrastructure investment or social investments like education or health care spending, the $600 billion in Iraq will pay no dividends toward increasing economic productivity. That it has done nothing to gaurantee our safety adds insult to injury. In any event, $600 billion down the tubes hardly adduces the conclusion that even further reduced domestic spending would have vindicated conservative principles.

More on Heroes

So in the interest of not constantly engaging in extemporaneous noodling, I went back to read Timothy Noah’s piece on why Presidential candidates who play the “war hero card” have lost recently to candidates without military experience. My theory, building off Matt Yglesias’ argument that candidate success has more to do with the political environment than “campaign” factors, was that the opportunity cost of emphasizing “biography” meant less time on issues pertinent to the political environment, thus worsening an already bad situation. In any event, the good news is that it turns out Noah’s piece was completely devoid of any such theory so I can safely claim credit for the idea. The bad news is that I don’t think my theory captures the whole story.

To take the theory a step further (or perhaps back, but who knows), it seems more likely that “biography candidates” win the nomination when the political environment doesn’t permit for candidates to build their case on much else (i.e., a Republican in a recession or a Democrat after 9/11). I’d have to take this back a bit — and obviously, it doesn’t apply to incumbent candidates — but it’s certainly been true in 2008 and 2004. In 2008, John McCain emerged from a particularly weak field, and though some may contend McCain’s embrace of the surge saved his candidacy, McCain was well positioned to impugn Mitt Romney’s patriotism by his own war hero status. What’s more, the RNC made no pretense that John McCain’s biography wouldn’t be a large focus. Sarah Palin’s speech the night prior set the tone, “there is only one man in this election who has ever really fought for you” and McCain’s acceptance speech was a virtual self hagiography. Of course, had the Republicans opted for another tack, it’s still unlikely they would have won, but it seems plausible relentless focus on John McCain’s biography hamstrung the campaign’s ability to focus on the issues voters worried about.

The same argument can be constructed for John Kerry’s run in 2004, with the one caveat that retrospectively, the 2004 field wasn’t as poor as it seemed at the time (Howard Dean is now hailed as a visionary). Still, John Kerry emerged as a candidate largely because mainstream Democrats failed to form a cohesive and strong argument against neoconservative foreign policy, probably the most contentious issue of the campaign. Conventional wisdom dictated that John Kerry’s war hero status would neutralize George Bush’s edge on aggressive foreign policy, but in reality, the effort was superficial. Emphasis on John Kerry’s military service obscured any argument counter to the neoconservative vision, not only signaling weakness, but also further deteriorating an already weak position by limiting opportunities to present the argument on its own terms.

Understanding that political conditions transcend the importance of the candidate, political parties should recognize victory is impossible without credibly addressing the most salient trends in a given election year. Nominating a candidate ill equipped to wrangle from a position of strength will dim electoral prospects, no matter how compelling their biography may be. This has been especially true for war heroes.

Soft Power

One good thing, I think, about electing a leader who is enormously popular internationally, is that George Bush no longer serves as legitimate shield to pursue harmful policies. In this regard, this piece in the Washington Post that collects sentiment from around the world is telling.

Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, a combative foe of Bush, congratulated Obama on his “historic election of a descendant of Africans” and called for “new relations” between the two nations.

When George Bush stewarded a universally reviled interventionist foreign policy, leaders like Hugo Chavez could with a certain modicum of legitimacy, justify their own policies by pointing to illegitimacy the US foreign policy. Now, with a leader whose foreign policy not only seeks to return to international cooperation, but more importantly, will be executed in good faith, leaders like Chavez — and to a certain degree, Putin — are rightfully exposed as the malign forces they are, bolstering the US’ negotiating position.

Leave George Bush Alone!

Working in PR there’s this sort of pervasive awe with which we view the Wall Street Journal. It has a high circulation and is trusted, generally, for its reporting. This is certainly not so for it’s opinion page, which solicits the input of “investigative reporters” who write books on Kobe Bryant sleeping around and go all emo-Chris Crocker on George W. Bush critics.

The treatment President Bush has received from this country is nothing less than a disgrace. The attacks launched against him have been cruel and slanderous, proving to the world what little character and resolve we have. The president is not to blame for all these problems. He never lost faith in America or her people, and has tried his hardest to continue leading our nation during a very difficult time.

Our failure to stand by the one person who continued to stand by us has not gone unnoticed by our enemies. It has shown to the world how disloyal we can be when our president needed loyalty — a shameful display of arrogance and weakness that will haunt this nation long after Mr. Bush has left the White House.

If I didn’t know better, I might think this was satire. After all, the subhead of the piece “What must our enemies be thinking?” evokes the comedic absurdity of seeing a subhead in an alt-weekly op-ed like “What about the whales, man?” or “No blood for oil!” But alas, I fear Jeffrey Scott Shapiro is deadly serious. Anyway, there’s really quite a bit that’s remarkable about this, but I normally thought this sort of screed was best left to the National Review or the Weekly Standard, not respectable publications.

(OK, I’ll make one point, then I’ll have to stop before my head explodes… but isn’t it kind of funny that conservatives deride people who allege to know what’s better for the country than Joe the Plumber as reprobate elitists, but when a conservative figure’s approval rating is below 30 percent, the person claiming to know better than everyone else is patriotic?)

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Iconoclast Again?

As I was leaving my building this morning, I saw a folded copy of The Washington Times on the ground with the above-the-fold headline announcing “McCain lambastes the Bush years,” and in an effort to reduce blood-pressure, I opted not to read it. But Via Jonathan Martin, I realize I had nothing to fear, because John McCain still doesn’t get it.

“I think, frankly, the problem was, with a Republican Congress, that the president was told by the speaker and majority leaders and others, ‘Don’t veto these bills, we need this pork, we need this excess spending, we need to grow these bureaucracies.’ They all sponsor certain ones. And he didn’t do what Ronald Reagan used to and say, ‘No’; say, ‘No. We’re not going to do this.’”

I always figured the failure of the Bush years had to do with its emphasis on tax cuts for the wealthy, emphasis on deregulation, and its misleading of the public into a costly and unwinnable war. But now that John McCain mentions it, it’s much more plausible that the current state of affairs stems from Congressional Republicans strong arming George Bush into signing pork-laden bills.

Posted in Politics. Tags: , . 2 Comments »

Fiscal Responsibility

Marc Ambinder reacts a bit incredulously to Obama’s ad attacking McCain’s spend-first, balance-later budget proposal. 

A Democratic candidate on a Republican candidate for spending?  

Especially a Democratic candidate who, let’s face, has a bunch of expensive spending proposals he’s not willing to give up, even in the face of mounting deficits…..

Kind of an eye-gouge, right?

I suppose it is a bit of an eye-gouge if you take Republican calls for “fiscal responsibility” the least bit seriously, which of course, you shouldn’t. It took a Democrat to balance the budget and Republican to pluge us yet again into a $400 billion deficit. “Fiscal responsibility” is a message that works quite well with voters, but not quite so well in practice.

Deparment of Misgivings

Bush Confident Sweeping Measure Will Stabilize Economy.”

Have you ever seen a less reassuring headline?

Stupid Is As Stupid Does

There are a few remarkable things about this clip. First, Roy Blunt openly admits that John McCain “stopped” a deal. Then in an exculpatory effort on behalf of John McCain, says the bill wouldn’t have passed anyway because of the Congressional Republicans. Then he says the deal could have passed because the Democrats have the majority. Well, which one is it Roy? 

Anyway, what’s really insane is that he defends these moronic plans proposed by Congressional Republicans by saying that “frankly”, they’d be easier for the average American to understand. Well, that’s clearly the litmus test for good decisions — could you imagine applying this logic to the rest of your life? Feel a lump in your testicle, call a plumber! Need to send a sattelite into space? Why, just head to the hobby shop! Need to run a the world’s only remaining superpower, hire George W. Bush!

Shrill Was Right

So admittedly last night I got a little shrill, it being a combination of a few glasses of wine and a painkiller for my herneated disc (just FYI), but it seems that anger was at least justified

But a top aide to Mr. Boehner said it was Democrats who had done the political posturing. The aide, Kevin Smith, said Republicans revolted, in part, because they were chafing at what they saw as an attempt by Democrats to jam through an agreement on the bailout early Thursday and deny Mr. McCain an opportunity to participate in the agreement.

Yes, it must have been those pesky democrats like George W. Bush and Republican Senator Bob Bennett, who predicted the bill would pass everywhere. At least they admit their complicity in McCain’s audacious stunt. What’s more, after pitching a fit about he was going to Washington, crack some skulls, and get involved, McCain was virtually silent during the entire meeting, and refused to take a stance.

Mr. McCain was at one end of the long conference table, Mr. Obama at the other, with the president and senior Congressional leaders between them. Participants said Mr. Obama peppered Mr. Paulson with questions, while Mr. McCain said little. Outside the West Wing, a huge crowd of reporters gathered in the driveway, anxiously awaiting an appearance by either presidential candidate, with expectations running high.

And for the record, the plan being floated by Congressional Republicans has already been called “a joke.”

One, that of the House Republican Study Committee, seems to be a joke. It calls for a two-year suspension of the capital gains tax to “encourag[e] corporations to sell unwanted assets.” But the toxic mortgage securities clogging up bank balance sheets are worth less now than when they were acquired. Meaning that no capital gains tax would be owed on them anyway. If you repealed the tax, banks would have even less incentive to sell them because they wouldn’t be able use the losses to offset capital gains elsewhere. Seriously, where do these people come up with this stuff?

So in the meantime, WaMu collapses and negotiations were scrapped to introduce a “joke”. John McCain, Country First. 

 

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